CrimeActs or omissions that violate criminal laws and are punishable by the state. is a highly emotional topic. Media reports, political debates, and everyday conversations create images of crime that are often distorted or exaggerated. CriminologyThe scientific study of crime, criminal behavior, prevention, and societal reactions to deviance within and beyond the criminal justice system., however, shows that many of these perceptions are myths. The following section presents twelve widespread myths about crime and critically discusses them.
1. “Crime is a rare, exceptional phenomenon.”
Crime often appears as something abnormal that only happens to “others.” The ubiquity thesis shows that almost everyone commits acts throughout their lives that could be classified as criminal offenses. Dark figure research also highlights that many crimes are never reported. As early as the 19th century, Émile Durkheim emphasized that deviance and crime are normal elements of every society.
Moreover, experiences with crime are part of everyday life: many people become victims of seemingly “minor” offenses such as insults or coercion in traffic. At the same time, most also commit rule violations themselves – from petty tax evasion to speeding. These examples illustrate that crime is not limited to extreme cases but is part of everyday social reality.
2. “Crime is constantly rising.”
Population surveys regularly show that the extent of violent crime is greatly overestimated. This perception is reinforced by the media logic of “crime sells”: violent and capital offenses receive disproportionate coverage even though they make up only a small fraction of the crime reality. In addition, crime is frequently politicized, particularly during election campaigns or security debates. Looking at crime statistics and dark figure research, however, shows that many offenses have actually declined and that the objective level of crime is far more stable than public perception suggests.
3. “Crime is always inherently evil.”
Whether a behavior is considered criminal strongly depends on the social and historical context. For example, cannabis consumption or homosexuality were criminalized in the past. The labeling approach demonstrates that crime is not inherent in the act itself but results from social definitions. The American sociologist Howard S. Becker put it succinctly: deviant behavior is behavior that people label as such.
4. “Harsher punishments prevent crime.”
The belief that harsher punishments automatically lead to less crime is widespread. Empirical research, however, shows that it is not the severity of punishment but the likelihood of detection and sanctioning that matters most. Short prison sentences can even be counterproductive, as they weaken social bonds and increase the risk of recidivism. Recurring debates on lowering the age of criminal responsibility or reintroducing severe sanctions such as the death penalty or “true” life imprisonment obscure the criminological evidence that such measures do not reduce crime. Preventive strategies and social integration are far more effective.
5. “Only people from the lower class become criminals.”
Crime is not exclusive to socially disadvantaged groups. While property and violent offenses occur more frequently there, white-collar crime and organized crime are more common in affluent groups – often with more severe societal consequences but lower visibility. Moreover, police control density and social structures play an important role: some neighborhoods are subject to higher levels of surveillance, while offenses in privileged milieus are less likely to be detected or reported. Social disorganization theory also shows that neighborhood context is crucial in explaining crime levels. Sociologist Heinrich Popitz put it pointedly: “You can buy a dark figure – by owning a house.”
6. “Foreigners are more criminal than natives.”
PoliceA state institution responsible for maintaining public order, enforcing laws, and preventing crime. crime statistics sometimes show higher suspect rates among non-nationals. These figures, however, often reflect differences in reporting behavior, residence status, or socio-economic conditions. A higher “criminal potential” is not empirically substantiated.
Moreover, biological determinism as an explanation of crime has been discredited for over 100 years. Classic biological theories such as those of Cesare Lombroso are scientifically obsolete. Crime today is understood as the result of social, economic, and cultural contexts.
The issue of immigrant crime is complex and requires nuanced analysis. Blanket assumptions are problematic and often politically instrumentalized to reinforce narratives of insecurity and threat.
7. “Women are mainly raped by strangers.”
Most sexual offenses do not occur in dark parks by unknown perpetrators but within close social circles – by partners, ex-partners, or acquaintances. The myth of the “stranger rapist” obscures the prevalence of domestic and intimate partner violence. It also encourages victim blaming and can lead to secondary victimization.
The fear of stranger violence has social consequences: it amplifies fear of crime, leads to avoidance and protective behaviors, and can foster the creation of fear spaces. Ironically, this reduces informal social control in public areas, which can actually increase feelings of insecurity. Furthermore, many offenses remain hidden in the dark figure, as reporting behavior is strongly influenced by the victim’s relationship to the offender.
8. “Child pornography is only a problem of older men.”
Adolescents and young adults are also frequently involved with child pornographic material – for instance, through the exchange of such files in digital spaces. The image of the “lonely old offender” obscures this reality and hinders appropriate prevention.
One reason lies in changing media consumption: access to “normal” pornography is now readily available via smartphones and the internet. Porn consumption has therefore lost much of its character as a youthful initiation rite or taboo-breaking activity. In some cases, this leads young people to seek out more extreme or even illegal content – whether as experimentation or due to peer pressure.
The phenomenon of sexting adds to the problem. Adolescents may, often unknowingly, cross legal boundaries by sending or forwarding intimate pictures of peers, thereby committing offenses under child or youth pornography laws. In such cases, the roles of “offender” and “victim” blur, showing that this is not an exclusively “adult” problem but rather a challenge of digital socialization.
9. “Youth crime is spiraling out of control.”
The belief that youth crime is constantly increasing is widespread. Media coverage often amplifies spectacular individual cases and contributes to the image of a “lost generation.” Political debates, too, frequently use youth crime as a symbolic issue to demand tougher sanctions or lower the age of criminal responsibility.
Criminological research, however, paints a different picture: while adolescents are statistically more likely to come into conflict with the law, this is usually a temporary phase. The well-documented age-crime curve shows that delinquent behavior typically peaks during adolescence and then declines sharply in early adulthood (“aging out”).
Developmental and life-course research offers further nuance. Terrie Moffitt’s Dual Taxonomy distinguishes between adolescence-limited offenders, whose delinquency is largely a short-lived developmental phenomenon, and life-course-persistent offenders, whose criminal careers begin earlier, are more serious, and often continue into adulthood. Similarly, Sampson and Laub’s Age-Graded Theory emphasizes the importance of social bonds and “turning points” (such as stable employment, marriage, or military service) that can redirect young people away from persistent offending.
Moreover, surveys and longitudinal studies demonstrate that most young offenders commit minor infractions rather than serious violent crimes, and that the majority desist from offending without any formal intervention. The myth of an uncontrollable rise in youth crime obscures these patterns and can lead to misguided policies that emphasize punishment instead of prevention and support.
10. “Murderers and rapists are inherently ‘monsters.’”
Serious crimes are often associated in public perception with pathological “monsters.” Media portrayals of serial killers such as Jeffrey Dahmer, Ted Bundy, or Ed Gein have shaped the notion that offenders are deviant outliers. In reality, however, most offenders come from within the social environment, are integrated into society, and act in specific contexts.
Such labels have far-reaching consequences: they reinforce punitive attitudes, hinder nuanced analyses, and can even impede public manhunts – as people expect “monsters” rather than potential perpetrators from their own community. The labeling approach shows that such stigmatization distorts social reality and may contribute to secondary deviance.
11. “More police automatically means less crime.”
Increased police patrols may improve subjective feelings of safety, but police work is generally reactive. Many crimes are only recorded after they occur, and the number of cases in official crime statistics depends heavily on reporting behavior.
A classic example is the Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment (USA, 1972–1973), which tested the effects of varying levels of police patrol in different neighborhoods. The results showed that increased patrols did not significantly reduce crime rates, nor did they improve citizens’ sense of safety. Instead, police visibility mainly increased the likelihood of detecting offenses rather than preventing them.
More effective than mere presence are preventive measures and social support that address the causes of crime rather than merely controlling its symptoms.
12. “Prisons reliably rehabilitate offenders.”
The principle of rehabilitation, enshrined in prison law, often remains an unfulfilled goal. Empirical data show high recidivism rates, and especially short prison sentences can have negative effects, weakening social bonds and lowering the chances of a crime-free life after release.
In the 1970s, Robert Martinson’s famous “nothing works” thesis sparked widespread debate by questioning the effectiveness of rehabilitation programs. This contributed to a paradigm shift toward more punitivity and security-oriented policies. David Garland has vividly described this shift in his analysis of the “culture of control.” Movements such as abolitionism or approaches like restorative justice criticize these developments and call for alternatives focused on reparation, social integration, and the strengthening of social control.
Conclusion: Crime is not a foreign body within society but a phenomenon that affects everyone and has many causes. Confronting widespread myths helps foster a more nuanced discussion of crime, social control, and criminal policy — beyond political rhetoric and media simplifications.
